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ence was one of the smallest that has
listened to an intercollegiate debate in
New Haven, there being less than 500
present.
Rev. Joseph H. Twichell, ’59, as
presiding officer of the evening, as-
cended the platform at just eight o’clock
and announced the nature of the contest
that was about to take place. He wel-
comed the representatives of the
honored Princeton institution and told
some amusing stories. He took pleas-
ure, he said, in feeling sure that even
if a Yale man did fumble, no Achilles
of a Poe could snatch away a victory in
this kind of a contest. He then form-
ally announced the subject: “Resolved:
That the United States should annex
Cuba,” and introduced Conover Eng-
lish, ’99, of Princeton as the first
speaker, who would uphold the affirma-
tive as Princeton’s choice.
PRINCETON’S MAIN GROUND.
In opening the debate Conover Eng-
lish, ’99, of New Jersey, showed at once
that the chief ground he and his asso-
ciates meant to stand upon was the
moral responsibility of the United
States. “A grave national responsi-
bility confronts us,” said he, “and all
ordinary arguments used against annex-
ation must be cast aside, for they cannot
be made to fit this case. The very
initiation of our policy towards Cuba
gave a guarantee of the result for which
the war was carried on, that is, good
government to the island. To-day the
United States holds the destinies of
Cuba in her hand and the interests
of humanity demands that annexation.
be resorted to, for in no other way can
disorder and disaster be avoided. Hav-
ing driven the government of Spain
forth, we are bound by every moral obli-
gation to give Cuba the best govern-
ment possible under the circumstances,
and which the settlers and property
owners Yightly demand from us. The
altruistic interference in Cuba’s affairs
has put upon us responsibilities which,
we cannot shirk, and which can only be
discharged through the. medium of an-
nexation.” Mr. English made a favor-
able impression by his self-possession
and good delivery, and there was loud
hand-clapping when he took his seat.
YALE MET ADVERSARY SQUARELY.
Ashley Day Leavitt, 1900, of Massa-
chusetts, opened Yale’s side of the
debate. He put his finger at once
on the vital point, namely, the
lack of evidence that the Cubans
could not govern’ themselves, a
point which Princeton answered only
by assumption. “We can only repudi-
ate our pledge to give independence to
Cuba,” he argued, “on the assumption
that existing conditions make it impos-
sible for the Cubans to govern them-
selves. Such an assumption as seen in
the case of America and other nations
is by no means certain to be correct.
English statesmen believed that the
colonies could not build a lasting gov-
ernment and expected to see after the
establishment of the Republic, all kinds
of internal strife. If we form our esti-
mate of Cuba’s ability at self-govern-
ment, however, let us take a similar trop-
ical Spanish-American nation—Chile.
OFFICERS OF GLEE
Chile after a long struggle succeeded in
freeing herself from the Spanish tyranny
and established a republic. It was not
successful at first. There were many
outbreaks and revolutions, but to-day
she stands well among the nations and
her securities are rated high in the stock
exchange.”
He instanced the failure of Great Bri-
tain, the greatest of colony builders, to
deal successfully with the problems of
government in the West Indies and
asked if the United States could hope to
succeed where she failed. Great Britain
had tried and tried hard to legislate and
rule well but legislation while not cor-
rupt would be perhaps unwise and
would stir up native opposition to
foreign control, until at last to: keep
peace the West Indian colonies were
made crown colonies. So it would be
with Cuba. Foreign control would not
be tolerated. The English and Latin
races never would nor never could -
assimilate and codperate, and the safer
course would be to let Cuba work out
her own salvation.
PERMANENT CONTROL.
Joseph Addison Jones, 1900, of New
Jersey, Princeton’s second _ speaker,
following the lines of his associate, dwelt
on the position of responsibility in
which this country found itself when the
existing government had been dis-
lodged, a responsibility for some kind
of government to permanently maintain
stable conditions in the island. He
urged that temporary control would
not discharge the, obligation of this
country because when it was withdrawn
Cuba would sway between anarchy and
despotism, and at a great loss of life
the troops of the United States would
be obliged to go again into the island
and this time subdue the Cubans. “It
will only be a question of time,” he said,
“when Cuba must be annexed, not only
to keep her from disruption but for the
safely of this whole country.” ‘He be-
lieved immediate annexation was the
best thing to promote the highest wel-
fare of all concerned. |
MISMANAGED ALASKA.
The inability of the United States to
cope with much smaller things at home
such as the negro question and the spoils -
system, was argued by Cornelius Porter
Kitchel, L.S., of Ohio, Yale’s second
speaker, as an additional reason for not
annexing the island. He thought it
would be harmful to Cuba because we
could not govern it well and dangerous
to the United States because as a state,
and a state it must eventually become,
Cuba would be entrusted with the task of
helping to govern us, for which position
she was not nor never could be fitted.
Against the argument that some sort of
territorial government be devised to fit
the existing state of things in event of
annexation, the speakers said that the
only two known forms of such terri-
torial government, a self-governing
territory and a subject territory, would
surely lead to statehood sooner or later,
“a condition already discussed.” ‘“‘With
the miserable spectacle of our misman-
aged subject territory of Alaska before
our eyes,” concluded the speaker, “how
AND BANJO CLUBS.
§ Weer Marrirt, Manager.
F. W. SHEEHAN, Leader Glee Club.
C. C. Conway, Leader Banjo Club,
~
can we consider the annexation of
Cuba?”
ECONOMY OF IT CONSIDERED.
Turning from the point of moral
responsibility, Nathaniel Smith Reeves,
’99, of New York, the last speaker for
the affirmative, touched on the economic
side of the question. What better thing
could be desired, he asked, than to
bring the greatest sugar-consuming
country in the world into the same
union with the greatest sugar-producing
country. That would be accomplished
when the United States annexed Cuba.
Under the protection of the goods laws
the United States could introduce and
aided by American capital, which must
surely flow into the island, and develop
it, it was no exaggeration to say that the
entire wants of the United States in
sugar could be supplied. Twenty million
acres of the most fertile portion of the
island was untouched and would remain
so if not developed by Americans, and
no one would risk their money unless
a stability of government was assured.
“And strategically,” said he, ‘“‘the island
is of great importance whether for
offense or defense. It commands the
Gulf of Mexico, which means control
over the Mississippi commerce, great
now and growing greater. The nation
which holds Cuba also holds the key
to the isthmean canal, a point of no
mean importance.” Of the pledge of
Congress to give Cuba independence,
he thought it must be broken as other
pledges had been broken before in the
face of some like grave situation. Con-
gress did not know the true state of
affairs in the island nor was it possible
to know them. Mr. Reeves was elo-
quent and at times full of force. His
speech was so rapid, however, that
some of his best effects in the climaxes
were lost.
DANGEROUS VIOLATION OF PRECEDENTS.
Philip Cory Walcott, 1900, of New
Jersey, who closed the opening argu-
ments for the negative, pointed out a
dangerous error in the violation of all
precedents and the violation of that
promise of the roth of last April “to
give the control and government of the
island to its people.’ The promise
could not, must not be violated. “If
it were violated our prestige of good
faith before the nations would be de-
stroyed,” said he, “and the benefit which
might come from annexation in an
economic way would not justify that.”
Manifest destiny was a thing that had
led nations and individuals astray and
to a working of great wrong in the past,
and the United States should look to
it that she benefited by the lessons.
YALE WAS STRONGER IN REBUTTAL.
Thus far the contest had a Princeton
color. A greater experience in inter-
collegiate debating had given an assur-
ance and confidence to her speakers,
and they did their parts with ease if not
with elegance.- Their gestures had been
more natural and effective than those
of their Yale opponents. Mr. English
added nothing to the weight of the
arguments for annexation in his open-
ing rebuttal, the speeches of which, as
Mr. Twichell announced, must last only
5 minutes. He held to the moral
ground he had first taken and said that
Congress must break the pledge because
events which intervened between its
making and the present time made it
impossible to put it in force.
Combating the strategic position of
Cuba advanced by Mr. Reeves, Mr.
Leavitt, in his five minutes address, said
it was not now necessary to have Cuba
a possession of the United States be-
cause she already had a better one in
the island of Porto Rico, where forces
could be concentrated to better advan-
tage. As to the key to the Gulf of
Mexico, Mr. Leavitt said there was
“already a choice assortment of keys
to that gulf in the hands of other
nations.” This looked like a telling
point for the negative and a little hum
of approval ran around the room when
the speaker took his seat. It did not
look so well, however, when Mr. Jones,
who followed. quoted from Captarn
Mahan’s writings, “an authority whose ©
word might have as much weight as
that of his worthy colleague,” the
statement that almost without excep-
tion no other island in the world
offered such natural advantages in a
strategic way as the island of Cuba.
He felt sure that legislation against the
ignorant vote of Cuba could be had
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FRANK A. CORBIN,
TAILOR
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Address :
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New Haven, Conn.
You Know
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Ss ;
which would free it from danger
when admission to statehood became a
fact. He would annex Cuba _ without
Cuba’s consent if need be and instanced
the case of Hawaii in support of his
views.
Mr. Walcott would not admit Hawaii
as a parallel case for before its annexa-
tion this country had waited a long time
to make itSelf sure that the best results
would come. He thought that to hold
Cuba, an army must be raised and
equipped for service there, and feared
a heavy loss of life. Such losses for
gains to a few capitalists were not to
be thought of.
Economical and political control of
the island, Mr. Reeves urged with great
fervor in his final words for Princeton.
No Latin race on this continent had
been able to sustain a stable govern-
ment and it was not to be expected that
the ignorant and wairing Cubans would
be able to accomplish it.. When disor-
der and internal strife began, then the
United States must step in and do all
over again at the sacrifice of human
life what had been done last Summer,
and in the end it must be annexation to
save the Cubans from themselves.
MR. KITCHEL’S GOOD SUMMING-UP.
In closing the side of the negative
and also the debate, Mr. Kitchel
showed a good grasp of the whole situ-
ation. He had seen where the weak
point of his adversary lay and turned
his guns upon it.
Princeton,” said he, “rest their argu-
“Our colleagues from
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